Transport workers are on the move under global capitalism. This
fact points to the continuing relevance of Lenin’s argument in Imperialism:
The Highest Stage of Capitalism that in the major imperialist
countries heavy industry will have a tendency to decay and be replaced with
light manufacturing and transportation accompanied by the incredible growth of
finance capital as the principle motor of imperialist development. The great
weight and latent power of the transport trades logically becomes even greater
as these tendencies unfold. As the role of transport workers develops in this
period of capitalism, it is worth considering the role of communists in this key
industry and how these considerations might affect their work generally.
The Communist Party USA does well as a small party of the working
class building essential coalitions for the advancement of the working class and
the great mass of the people. However, in this historic period of intensifying
global crisis of imperialism the communists should more carefully define and
develop their work. We can look to the theoretical contributions of Antonio
Gramsci for help.
As the most sophisticated communist theoretician from within the
advanced imperialist countries, Gramsci has much to say about the work of people
in the movement. First, he showed that the primary method of ruling-class
control in the imperialist democracies was through cultural hegemony or the
manufacture of the consent of the ruled. He demonstrated that the only class
capable of saving and advancing civilization from the horrors of imperialism was
the organized working class united through a mass communist party. This movement
would prove effective and relevant when it openly organized the working class
into a new ruling class on political, industrial, social, spiritual and
intellectual grounds. Communists are not, in Gramsci’s view, just sophisticated
coalition builders that workers can “tolerate or relate to.” Communists are
sophisticated defenders of all the humane gains of civilization and the
organizers of a new civilization where human need and not profit is first.
In other words, we must make the concrete struggle for socialism
as much a part of our daily work as the struggle to defeat the ultra right in
November. But how do we do that without sounding and acting like a bunch of
ultra left kooks? Again, Gramsci comes through for us. Winning workers to
socialism and to becoming committed disciplined communists in the context of our
daily work is one critical but not often easy approach. Gramsci pointed out that
concentrating on the daily struggles of the workers and putting off socialism to
that distant “great day” constitutes reformism. Speaking mostly about socialism
and not organizing the daily struggles of the workers and the oppressed is
sterile ultra leftism. The sophisticated and effective merger of both the
struggle for socialism and the struggle for the immediate needs of today is the
essence of Marxism-Leninism.
The current situation with the transport trades in North America
stands as a historic challenge for the CPUSA. The movement that is gathering
steam for “one big union” in transport is an incredible development. Transport
workers immediately recognize the potential – even revolutionary – power of a
general strike in the transportation trades. The concept of the “one big union”
is almost on the level of a spiritual dream for some transport workers with
almost disbelieving smiles that faintly break through the massive cynicism of
ruling-class imposed cultural belief that “nothing ever really changes for the
better for working people.” Many left-leaning rail workers know the legacy of
Eugene V. Debs, including his socialist politics even if they often only vaguely
understand it. It is not a big stretch to discuss with transport workers the
concept that we workers could, if we were disciplined and well organized, and
the situation called for it, run the transportation industry for the benefit of
the people without the capitalists.
The wide diffusion of these ideas and the direct connection to
the CPUSA’s potential power as the organizer of this new situation and the
consequent attraction of workers to the party are realistic possibilities. There
are also a few obstacles. One is the common belief that communists are either
dreamers, potential or real dictators or all of the above. When thinking about
ways to portray the movement more accurately, we might follow Gramsci’s advice
when he wrote that we must fearlessly stand for the unvarnished, unromantic,
uncomfortable truth. He clearly stated that communists must be so careful with
the truth, even if it calls us to intensive self-criticism, that we can proudly
put on the masthead of our paper that the truth is revolutionary.
Progressive workers who are interested in the party often want to
know “what happened to the USSR?” Pointing the finger at “traitors” does not
constitute Marxist analysis; it is a rehash of Stalinism’s theoretical failings.
The workers deserve an explanation and theoretical work that is on the same
level of quality of the best capitalist scholars. Anything less is a travesty,
Gramsci says. Theoretical work is neither an afterthought nor is it the same as
ideological work. It is intensive, carefully done, meticulously researched and
requires dedication. Gramsci practiced what he preached and died as a result of
fascist imprisonment because his mind was recognized as “exceedingly dangerous.”
His legacy led to the largest communist movement in Western Europe after World
War II that was so powerful the CIA launched one of its largest efforts ever to
prevent a socialist Italy from being born between 1944 and 1948.
Communists should emphasize and build on their historic strengths
particularly the legacy of struggles for African American liberation and racial
equality, the communist contribution to the movement for industrial and
socialist-minded unionism, and the great battles against fascism and imperialist
war and for the defense of the socialist countries. At the same time, we must
face the theoretical weakness of the Stalin era brought on by an atmosphere of
“socialist authoritarianism” that reduced theory to rote memorization and
disarmed the workers movement mentally. The reduction of the movement to
“uniting around the leadership” undermined the whole communist movement even if
it temporarily united people in time of war and struggle. Contrary to the
absolute devotion to leadership, communists should reconsider Lenin’s remark
that the dictatorship of the proletariat really means, “every cook would learn
to run the state.” The overemphasis and reliance on an authoritarian and
paranoid view of state affairs in the USSR undermined the necessary development
of an ever increasing and ever deepening direct involvement by the masses in the
running of the state. According to Lenin and Gramsci, mass participation in the
political life constitutes the essence of socialism.
Rank and file transportation workers are ready for this kind of
discussion, and when communists work openly it comes up all the time in serious
political discussions – especially the “what makes you tick” question. Workers
often want to know: Are we motivated by a desire for personal power? Are we
dreamers? Or are we actually trying to help organize the working class to be the
ruling class, to win the battle of democracy?
To build the CPUSA as an instrument of workers rule among
transportation workers we must write accessible pamphlets and books about our
historic mission that are more up to date, self critical, better researched and
more honest. We must as communists work on our own self-discipline, spiritual
hope and recover from our own addictions and self-defensive attitudes. We should
stop behaving as if our only mission is as skilled coalition builders with an
occasional conversation about socialism thrown in. Our job is nothing less than
the creation of the seed of the socialist future in the culture, organization,
personal practice and intellectual work of the working class. Workers will join
a party in mass if they feel and see in practice this reality. Gramsci showed
that workers would devote their lives to such a party if the time and conditions
were right. As Gramsci noted, socialism is not inevitable, only the possibility
is inevitable. The rest is up to us.
(Courtesy:
Political Affairs: July’04)
